Caste System in India: From Four Varnas to Thousands of Jatis & Today’s Reservation Politics

Caste System in India: From Four Varnas to Thousands of Jatis & Today’s Reservation Politics

By Khem Raj

14 November 2025

Introduction

When we talk about the caste system in India, most people immediately remember the famous four-fold Varna system mentioned in ancient texts – Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra. But if we look at real Indian society today, we do not see just four groups. We see thousands of Jatis (endogamous caste groups) – different in every region, language and profession. Scholars estimate that there are more than 3,000 jatis across India.

At the same time, modern India is a constitutional democracy which officially rejects untouchability and caste discrimination, but still uses reservation (affirmative action) in education, jobs and politics, based on caste and social backwardness. This combination of “caste-free equality in law” and “caste-based reservation in practice” creates both hopes and controversies.

In this post, we will briefly trace:

• The difference between Varna and Jati
• How the four Varna system evolved into thousands of Jatis
• How medieval kingdoms and British rule reshaped caste
• How the Indian Constitution tried to reform caste and abolish untouchability
• How modern reservation policies work (SC, ST, OBC, EWS)
• The debate around reservation, vote-bank politics and the future of caste in India

The aim is not to support or oppose any political party, but to understand historically and critically how caste and reservation really function in present-day India.

Varna and Jati: Two Different Concepts

What is Varna?

The word Varna literally means “type, class or colour”. In Vedic literature, especially in later layers, we find the idea of society divided into four broad classes:

• Brahmins – priests, teachers, scholars
• Kshatriyas – rulers, warriors, administrators
• Vaishyas – traders, cattle-keepers, agriculturists
• Shudras – labourers, service providers

Many scholars point out that in the early period, varna was more of an ideal model rather than a strict social reality. The Mahabharata itself questions whether people can be divided just by birth, and suggests that behaviour and actions matter more than birth.

What is Jati?

Jati literally means “birth group”. Jati is the actual, local social unit in which people married, ate, shared rituals and organised their daily life. Different villages and regions had different jatis, often based on:

• Traditional occupation (potter, weaver, barber, blacksmith etc.)
• Clan or lineage
• Tribal or regional identities
• New religious sects or communities

There is no single, all-India list that ranks all jatis in a perfect order. In one region a jati might be considered “high”, in another region the same jati may have a lower status. Scholars estimate that there are more than 3,000 jatis in India, and some estimates go even higher.

Varna vs Jati

We can say simply:

• Varna = 4-fold theoretical division repeated in religious texts.
• Jati = actual birth-based groups in society, thousands in number.

Many modern historians argue that Indian society was always organised much more around jati than the pure four-fold varna scheme, especially in the last 2000 years.

How Did the Caste System Begin?

Vedic Period and the Four Varnas

The origins of the caste system are still debated. Some scholars link it to the Vedic period (around 1500–500 BCE), where the four varnas are mentioned in texts. However, the actual social practice at that time was probably quite flexible:

• People could sometimes move between occupations.
• Marriages between different groups were not yet fully closed.
• Tribal and clan identities were still strong.

Some historians also suggest that caste-like divisions may have existed even before the Vedic age, in the Indus Valley civilisation, in the form of hereditary occupations and social ranking, but evidence is not fully clear and remains debated.

Second Urbanisation and Rise of Jatis

Around 500–200 BCE, during the so-called “second urbanisation”, towns grew in the Gangetic plains. Buddhist and Jain texts from this period often talk about people in terms of jati and occupation rather than pure varna categories.

Over time:

• Occupational groups turned into endogamous jatis.
• Some tribal groups slowly integrated as new jatis.
• We start seeing references to people considered “untouchable” or outside the four varnas.

Many scholars believe that guilds (professional associations) that formed during the Mauryan period later hardened into the jatis we know today.

External Invasions and the Rise of Certain Low-Status Occupations

Some historical accounts and oral traditions mention that during the period of medieval foreign invasions, significant social changes took place within Indian society. When external powers such as Turks, Mughals, Afghans and other invaders gained control over different regions, communities responded in different ways. While many groups fought against the invaders, others were compelled by circumstances to surrender or seek protection.

During these difficult times, certain groups were forced into occupations that were traditionally considered impure or undesirable in the context of Indian dev-sanskriti and Sanatan Dharma — such as removing dead animals, skinning hides, disposing waste, or performing heavy cleaning work. These tasks were generally not performed earlier by higher sections of society.

In many regions, including parts of Himachal Pradesh, local oral histories and ancestral narratives recall that some communities became involved in activities like working with animal skins, or serving the invading armies. As a result, other sections of society began maintaining social distance from them. Over time, these groups gradually came to be recognized as separate jatis or sub-castes.

It is also important to note that this was not the only reason behind the formation of new jatis or the emergence of untouchability. The development of caste groups in India was influenced by many factors: occupational specialization, economic structures, religious customs, regional traditions, and changing political conditions. The shifts that occurred during foreign invasions were simply one among several historical factors that contributed to increased social distance.

This section aims only to provide a historical perspective on one possible process. The intention is not to blame or target any community, but to explain how multiple historical circumstances shaped the complex caste system that exists today.

Medieval Kingdoms, Islamic Rule and Colonial India

Caste in Medieval and Early Modern India

Between 600–1800 CE, Indian society was ruled by many regional kingdoms and later by larger empires (Delhi Sultanate, Mughal Empire, Maratha confederacy, various South Indian kingdoms, etc.). During this long period:

• Jatis multiplied as new occupations and communities appeared.
• Some jatis rose in local status by acquiring land, wealth or political power.
• The Bhakti movements (like those led by Kabir, Ravidas, Tukaram, Nanak, etc.) strongly criticised caste hierarchy.
• Some caste-like hierarchies also developed among Indian Muslims in certain regions, though Islamic theology itself does not support hereditary caste.

Overall, caste remained an important base of social identity, but it was not always as rigid as we sometimes imagine. Regional variation and social mobility did exist, especially through land ownership, warfare, royal service and religious movements.

British Rule and Hardening of Caste

The caste system that we see today is very much a product of British colonial rule (19th–20th century):

• From 1881 onwards, the British conducted caste-based censuses and tried to classify every community into a fixed caste list.
• Castes were ranked and listed almost like zoological or botanical species – “scientifically” ordered from “high” to “low”.
• Access to government jobs and education was initially more open to “upper castes”, reinforcing inequality.
• Colonial policies such as separate electorates and political reservations for certain communities also sharpened caste identities.

So, while jatis and varnas are older than British rule, the idea of caste as a fixed, pan-Indian hierarchy was strengthened and systematised under colonial administration.

Caste, Reformers and the Indian Constitution

19th–20th Century Anti-Caste Movements

From the 19th century onwards, many social reformers attacked caste discrimination:

• Jyotirao and Savitribai Phule in Maharashtra worked for the education of Shudras and women.
• Narayana Guru in Kerala challenged caste hierarchies through spiritual reform.
• Periyar E.V. Ramasamy in Tamil Nadu sharply criticised Brahmin dominance and wanted caste annihilation.
• B.R. Ambedkar, himself from a Dalit community, led a historic struggle against untouchability, demanded separate political safeguards, and later embraced Buddhism.
• Mahatma Gandhi worked against untouchability and called Dalits “Harijans”, but he preferred reforming Hindu society from within instead of separate electorates.

These movements created the moral and political pressure that finally forced the colonial state and later the Indian state to address caste injustice more systematically.

Constitutional Provisions After Independence

After 1947, independent India adopted a Constitution that tried to balance formal equality with special protection for historically oppressed groups:

• Article 14 – equality before law.
• Article 15(1) – prohibits discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth.
• Article 15(4) – allows special provisions for advancement of socially and educationally backward classes, and for SCs/STs.
• Article 16(4) – allows reservation in public employment for backward classes that are not adequately represented.
• Article 17 – abolishes “untouchability” and forbids its practice in any form.
• Articles 330–342 – provide for political reservations and define Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.

Thus, the Constitution both condemns caste discrimination and at the same time permits caste-based affirmative action to help historically oppressed communities catch up.

Reservation System in India Today

Who Gets Reservation?

At the national (central government) level, reservation policies today roughly look like this:

• Scheduled Castes (SC) – about 15% of seats/jobs.
• Scheduled Tribes (ST) – about 7.5%.
• Other Backward Classes (OBC) – about 27% (following the Mandal Commission’s recommendation accepted in 1990).
• Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) among non-SC/ST/OBC – about 10%, added after the 103rd Constitutional Amendment (2019).

Put together, this comes to roughly 59.5% reservation in central government institutions and many public universities. Different states may have different percentages, sometimes higher, based on their own population composition and legal rulings.

Why Reservation Was Introduced

The basic idea of reservation is:

• To correct historic and structural discrimination faced by SCs, STs and other backward classes.
• To ensure their representation in education, jobs and legislatures.
• To create a more level playing field where those who suffered centuries of exclusion get a chance to access state resources and opportunities.

Committees like the Mandal Commission documented large socio-economic gaps in literacy, employment and access to land between “upper” and “backward” castes, and recommended reservation as one important corrective measure.

How Reservation is Implemented

Reservation operates mainly in three areas:

1. Education – reserved seats in government schools, colleges, IITs, central universities, etc.
2. Government Jobs – reserved posts in central and state government services.
3. Political Representation – reserved constituencies for SCs and STs in Parliament, state assemblies and local bodies.

In many states, there are also sub-quotas (e.g., for Extremely Backward Classes, Most Backward Classes, women within OBC, etc.), but these vary regionally and are frequently debated in courts and politics.

Reservation, Vote-Bank Politics and Growing Number of Castes

How Caste and Politics Get Linked

Once reservation became central to access education, jobs and political power, it naturally became a key part of electoral politics. Most political parties:

• Announce caste-based promises (adding groups to OBC list, increasing quotas, etc.).
• Form alliances based on dominant caste groups in each region.
• Seek support of community leaders and caste organisations.

This is often described as “vote-bank politics”, where caste groups are treated as blocks of votes to be won by promising or protecting their share of reservations and other benefits.

Why More Groups Demand “Backward” Status

Because reservation gives access to opportunities, many communities that were earlier considered “forward” or “middle” now demand to be recognised as “backward” so that they can be included in the OBC or other categories. This has led to:

• Movements by different castes in various states asking for OBC or special status.
• More detailed sub-categorisation and demand for caste census data.
• Frequent legal and political disputes over who should be counted as “backward” and on what criteria (social, educational, economic).

This gives the feeling that “the number of castes is increasing”. In reality, most jatis already existed; what is changing is their official classification – from “forward” to “backward”, from “unreserved” to “reserved” categories.

Is Reservation Only for Vote-Banking?

Here, opinions are sharply divided:

• Critics argue that:
  • Reservation is often extended or modified just before elections.
  • Parties rarely do serious work on school quality, health, or jobs, but loudly talk about quotas.
  • Some relatively better-off groups capture most benefits within a reserved category (“creamy layer” issue).
• Supporters argue that:
  • Without reservation, historically oppressed communities would hardly be present in universities, bureaucracy and legislatures.
  • Data still shows large social and economic gaps between SC/ST/OBC and others, so support is still needed.
  • Political mobilisation around caste is sometimes the only way oppressed groups can force the state to listen.

A balanced view would be: reservation began as a social justice tool and remains essential for many, but its implementation is often influenced by electoral calculations and needs continuous reform (creamy layer rules, time-bound review, better targeting, focus on quality of public services, etc.).

Present Situation of Caste in India

Caste in Everyday Life

Legally, untouchability is abolished and caste discrimination is punishable. Socially, however:

• Caste-based marriage preferences remain very strong; matrimonial ads still openly mention caste.
• In many villages, caste still controls social distance (who eats with whom, who can enter which house or temple).
• Reports of caste-based violence, especially against Dalits and Adivasis, continue to appear in news.

On the other hand, urbanisation, migration, education and the internet have also:

• Created more inter-caste interaction in offices, colleges and cities.
• Given platforms for Dalit, Bahujan and Adivasi voices to speak directly, not just through mainstream media.
• Allowed some new forms of inter-caste friendships and relationships, even if still limited.

Economic and Educational Gaps

Many government surveys and research studies still show that:

• On average, SCs and STs have lower literacy and higher poverty rates than general categories.
• OBCs as a group are better off than SCs/STs but still lag behind upper castes in education and white-collar jobs.
• Within each category, there is internal inequality – some groups have advanced a lot, others remain very deprived.

Reservation has helped create a growing SC/ST/OBC middle class, especially in government sectors and higher education, but it has not fully removed structural disadvantages.

New Debates: EWS, Caste Census, and Beyond

In recent years, three big debates have intensified:

1. EWS (Economically Weaker Sections) – A 10% quota for economically weaker sections among the non-SC/ST/OBC population has raised questions: Should reservation be based only on caste-linked social backwardness or also on pure economic poverty?
2. Caste Census – Many groups demand a fresh caste census to get accurate data on how many people belong to each caste and who is still backward. Others fear it will deepen caste divisions.
3. Time Limit vs. Continuation – Some argue that reservation should be time-bound and gradually reduced. Others say that until social and educational equality is actually visible, removing reservation would be unjust.

These debates show that caste is not a “past problem” – it is still shaping the future of Indian democracy.

Where Do We Go From Here?

India’s journey from a four-fold varna ideal to thousands of jatis, from untouchability to constitutional equality, and from total exclusion to reservation-based inclusion is complex and incomplete.

Some possible directions that scholars and activists discuss include:

• Strengthen school education and health for all, especially in marginalised areas, so that reservation is supported by real capacity building.
• Improve targeting within reserved categories by applying and enforcing “creamy layer” rules where appropriate.
• Encourage inter-caste social mixing and strongly punish caste-based violence and discrimination.
• Support a culture where individual talent and dignity matter more than birth, without forgetting historical injustice.

The goal should not be to deny the reality of caste, nor to freeze it forever, but to move towards a society where one’s birth does not limit one’s destiny.

FAQs on the Caste System and Reservation in India

1. How many castes (Jatis) are there in India today?

There is no single, officially agreed number, but scholars estimate that there are more than 3,000 jatis across India. In practice, each state has its own lists of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes, plus many other communities that are not in any official list.

2. Are Varna and Jati the same thing?

No. Varna is the ancient four-fold division (Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya, Shudra) found in religious texts, more like an ideal model. Jati is the actual local caste group defined by birth, marriage, occupation and rituals, and there are thousands of them.

3. Did the British create the caste system?

Caste and jatis existed long before the British, but colonial rule hardened and systematised them by using caste-based censuses, legal codification and administrative categories. So, the British did not “invent” caste but they definitely reshaped it in powerful ways.

4. What is the total percentage of reservation in India?

At the central level, reservation in higher education and many government jobs is roughly: 15% for SC, 7.5% for ST, 27% for OBC and 10% for EWS – together around 59.5%. States may have different percentages depending on their own laws and population data.

5. Is reservation based only on caste?

Traditionally, reservation in India focused on caste-based social and educational backwardness (SC, ST, OBC). The newer EWS quota, however, is based on economic criteria among groups that are not already covered by other reservations. This has opened a fresh debate on whether future affirmative action should be mainly caste-based, economic-based, or some combination of both.

Disclaimer: This article is for informational and educational purposes only. It summarises major scholarly views and official data where available, but does not endorse any political party or specific policy proposal.